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By: Jin Hui Joo, M.A., M.D.
- Assistant Professor of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences
Altogether treatment xerostomia buy cheap zofran 8mg online, not much research has been done on nicknames in southern Africa (Neethling 1994 medications pictures generic zofran 4 mg mastercard, p medications narcolepsy zofran 8mg with visa. Thus Johanna Rautanen would be gwaNakambale symptoms 3 dpo generic 4mg zofran otc, daughter of Nakambale, of which Gwanaka could be a shortened form. The model for this final h can be found in the English Bible, which includes personal names such as Deborah, Jonah, Noah, Obadiah and Sarah. For example, many young Zulus use their Zulu names in all situations (Suzman 1994, p. However, if a man had no daughters but only sons, other people would not be able to identify his clan, as it would not be mentioned openly. As was noted earlier, the surname innovation in Europe spread from big cities to smaller towns, and finally to the countryside (Fleischer 1968, p. Paul, John and Maria, will remain popular also because being named after biblical characters is important to many Ambos. According to him, it is very important to an Ambo to be able to explain the meaning of his or her name when asked. Ihambo used the name Grace because he felt that it was by the grace of God that the baby was a boy, as there were only daughters in the family before him. He also pointed out that the Ambos do not live in isolation today, but in a multicultural society. Within these names, one can also see the most significant trends in the Ambo personal naming in the 20th century: first, the adoption of European and biblical names, and later, the re-Africanisation of personal names. Among other things, we shall examine what kind of European and biblical names have been adopted in the Ambo area, how popular these names have been at different times, and what kind of Ambo baptismal names the Ambo people have given to their children. This analysis will be both linguistic and statistical, and it is based on a corpus containing the baptismal names of a total of 10,920 members of the Elim, Okahao and Oshigambo congregations from the period 1913 1993. These congregations are among the seven oldest congregations in the Ambo area, whose parish records were microfilmed in Namibia in 199394, as part of a Finnish research project on the population development in northern Namibia (Siiskonen 1994, p. Of these congregations, Okahao was founded in 1903, and Elim and Oshigambo both in 1912 (Nambala 1995, p. These congregations were chosen for this study primarily because their baptismal registers were described as reliable by the historians working with these parish records in the University of Joensuu. All these congregations also have registers of baptism since the 1910s, and there are no gaps in them. Since the Finnish missionary influence, however, they have had a common written language, Ndonga, which is based on the linguistic variety of the Ndonga subgroup. It is important to note that there have also been people in these congregations who originally belonged to other Ambo subgroups. For example, many Kwanyamas moved to Oshigambo, and to some other congregations, after the Rhenish missionaries had left Oukwanyama in 1916 (Martti Rautanen to the mission director 24. In the early 20th century, when new congregations were founded all over the Ambo area, it was also typical that the nucleus of a new congregation was composed of Christians who arrived from other communities (Notkola & Siiskonen 2000, p. One should note that not all members of these congregations were Ambos, even if the clear majority were. Since the early days of the Finnish missionary work, members of other ethnic groups. Thus, it is clear that the baptismal registers of these congregations also include names of people who are not Ambos. As the San groups who live in close contact with the Bantu have had the custom of using Bantu names beside their indigenous ones (Hynцnen 1981, p. It also seems that they have adopted the same kind of European and biblical names at baptism as the Ambo Christians have. The names for this study were collected from the baptismal registers of the Elim, Okahao and Oshigambo congregations in such a way that 196 Analysis of the Name Data the baptisms of every fifth year were included in the data, starting from the year 1913 up to the year 1993. As the microfilmed parish registers of Elim and Okahao for the year 1993 included baptisms until March only, the baptisms of the previous year 1992 were added to the 1993 data. Until 1925, the majority of baptisms in the Ambo congregations were performed on adults (Varis 1988, p. This analysis will thus reveal what kind of baptismal names the Ambo people were given in different years, but it does not aim to make comparisons between the names of different age-groups. Nevertheless, one may claim that these name data represent the contemporary Lutheran Ambo population relatively well, even if the emphasis in this material is on names given between the 1950s and 1970s. In Namibia, the average life expectancy at birth is 54 years today (World Bank Atlas 2000, p. Thus, the majority of people who were baptised at the beginning of the century have already died, and their share of the data may well correspond to their share of the present Ambo population. On the other hand, the names of people born in the 1980s and 1990s are slightly underrepresented in the data.
The influence of European naming systems and languages is also apparent in the Ambo naming system symptoms lead poisoning buy zofran 8 mg visa, as foreign names have been adopted both from European naming systems medicine to help you sleep buy zofran 8mg otc. However medicine 5325 purchase zofran australia, there are also internal factors which explain some of the developments in the Ambo naming system 2c19 medications buy 8 mg zofran with amex. For example, the changes in the Ambo linguistic varieties phonological, morphological, lexical, orthographic, etc. Many of the changes in the Ambo culture which have been reflected in personal names may not be explained purely by European influence either (Malan 1978, p. Some changes can also be explained by the developments in the anthroponymic system itself. For example, the adoption of surnames was largely due to the fact that after the adoption of European and biblical names, the patronymic system could not serve the function of differentiating people, as too many people in the community had similar names. However, it is often impossible to define the original sources for the various changes in the Ambo naming system, as onomastic change is typically caused by several internal and external factors working together. Altogether, as the entire Ambo naming system has been reorganised and its functions in the society have changed accordingly, the naming system of the Ambo people at the end of the 20th century is not the same as it was at the beginning of the century. From a historical point of view, the development of the Ambo personal naming system can be divided into five stages: 1. This period was characterised by a single name system: a person received one real name, beside which several kinds of nicknames were used. The real name was bestowed at a naming ceremony, before which the child carried a temporary name which may have referred to any of the various circumstances at the time of birth. The real name was given by the father, the main name-giving motive being the namesake relationship. During this period, the Ambo people lived according to their traditional lifestyle. In the late 19th century, European influence arrived in the area in the form of traders, explorers and missionaries. In 1883, the first Ambo converts were baptised by the Finns, and they received European and biblical names at baptism. During this period, people bearing foreign names formed a small minority in the Ambo communities, and they were often ridiculed because of their names. Some Ambo kings and members of royal families were baptised at the beginning of the 20th century, which gave impetus to the spread of new names in the Ambo area. The work of the Finnish and German missionaries started to change the traditional Ambo culture. The migrant labour system also transmitted European cultural influence to the Ambo area since the early 20th century. During this period, European and biblical names became an important part of Ambo personal nomenclature. Beginning in the 1920s, these names spread rapidly through the Ambo area, together with 316 Analysis of the Changes is the Ambo Anthroponymic System: Conclusion the spread of Christianity. The mission stations, which were founded all over the Ambo region, served as centres for the geographical distribution of this innovation. The Ambos who were educated in mission schools and were baptised adopted foreign names first. These names also became fashionable, and many unbaptised people adopted them as well. The names given at baptisms were almost exclusively adopted from the Bible or taken from the Europeans who were working in the Ambo area, which led to the increasing popularity of a limited number of names. Gradually, the patronyms of the Ambo people also became European and biblical, which led to considerable difficulties in identifying people, as too many people carried similar names. In 1937, the Finnish missionaries decided to promote the use of African baptismal names, but this did not have any significant influence on baptismal name-giving. All spheres of traditional Ambo culture were affected by European and Christian influence, and many old customs disappeared at this time. The Re-Africanisation of the Personal Nomenclature of the Ambo People (19501990). They were typically given as second or third names, whereas the first baptismal names remained European and biblical. Since the late 1950s, the Ambos began to adopt hereditary surnames that were based on traditional Ambo personal names (patronyms). However, the surname system also faced criticism among the Ambo people, as it was seen to be unsuitable in a matrilineal society. This period was characterised by the strengthening of the apartheid policy of the South African government and by the struggle for independence which intensified in 1966 and turned the Ambo area into a battlefield. Because of the war, thousands of Ambo people left the country and lived in exile until independence in 1990. During the first ten years of Namibian independence, the personal naming of the Ambo people was influenced by two major trends: Africanisation and Westernisation. African names continued to be fashionable, and especially among the Ambos living in Windhoek, names were increasingly borrowed from other ethnic groups too. As English was chosen as the only official language of the new republic, English names became popular as well.
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The memory is not at any specific location treatment viral conjunctivitis buy zofran with paypal, but is distributed in many areas of the brain symptoms 8 days past ovulation order zofran online, like a holograph treatment 20 purchase zofran toronto. In computer memory treatment programs discount zofran 8 mg, each memory has an address, so we know how computers recall memory. Recall: When we memorize, storing the information is not a problem because it is automatic and basically permanent - recalling is the problem because, unlike a computer in which all data have addresses, human memory is retrieved by a complex process that is not yet understood. My hypothesis is that the recall process is an association process, and the most obvious associative process is an overlap of memory fields. That is, when two related memories are stored, their memory fields overlap; the closer the relationship, the greater the overlap and the easier the recall. With time, however, more such overlaps will be stored so that the brain must search through more overlaps. The probability of confusion increases with time because the probability that the brain will choose the wrong overlap increases as the number of overlaps increases. Memory is most easily recalled if the memory is associated with something easy to remember, such as outrageous, funny, familiar, etc. The system of memory fields is complex because it is continually modified by the 41 brain. The abstract "airplane" does not exist outside the brain, but is created in memory and includes everything from toy paper planes to the largest jumbo jets. Abstracts are generalized objects and they enable thought processes and languages. Thus we are generally dealing with memory fields of abstracts, not the original memory fields from external inputs such as visual, auditory, touch, smell, taste, etc. Thus the human memory is not a passive memory like the computer disk, but is an active processor of incoming information into simpler abstracts that are more manageable. However, because there are savants that can recall all the original data, those data are apparently also stored in the brain. This memory-field-overlap recall process is similar to a basic phenomenon in quantum mechanics. The probability of an electron emitting a photon is given by the overlap of the electron and photon wave functions mediated by the emission function. Therefore the human memory recall process may be mimicking a basic process in nature. This mimicking is common: electrons orbit atom nuclei, planets orbit the sun, and stars orbit black holes in galaxies. The most advanced theory of cosmology posits that the universe is made up of strings so small that nobody can see them; thus the piano strings making music emulates string theory that creates the universe. If you ask a musician to memorize a full page of random music notes, he will have great difficulty memorizing even a single page because he has nothing with which to associate random notes. This musician will have no trouble memorizing a 20 page sonata quickly because the sonata has melodies, rhythm, etc. All you have to do is to associate the music with the theory and you have it memorized. Although music theory memory is the best, it is not equally helpful to everybody because most students do not know enough theory. The strongest evidence for the associative nature of human memory comes from tests on good memorizers who can perform incredible feats such as memorizing hundreds of telephone numbers from a phone book. The algorithms are different for each person, but they are all devices for associating the objects to be memorized with something that have patterns that are already in memory. For example, for remembering hundreds of numbers, one algorithm is to associate a sound with each number. The sounds are chosen such that they form "words" when strung together, not in English, but in a new "language" (algorithm) that is created for that purpose. The amazing thing is the speed with which good memorizers can map the object to be memorized onto their algorithms. Super memorizers develop after much hard work in perfecting their algorithms and practicing every day, just like pianists. What is so intriguing is that the algorithm contains 132 letters, yet it is much easier to remember than the 14 numbers because of familiar associations. First memorize both the 14 numbers (if you can - it is not easy for me) and the above algorithm. Then 24 hours later, try to write down the numbers from memory and from the algorithm; you will find the algorithm to be much better. Because of the huge information processing power of the brain, the retrieval process is more efficient if there are more relevant associations and the number of these associations quickly increases in size as more items are memorized because they can be cross-associated.
Voyeurism and sensitivity Of course symptoms of colon cancer cheap zofran 8 mg visa, such questions lead us in the direction of observations that become increasing personal and symptoms 4dp3dt discount zofran line, therefore medicine dictionary pill identification buy zofran 4mg low price, sensitive as we energetically and even voyeuristically probe deeper and deeper levels of privacy medicine park lodging buy zofran without prescription. It is one thing to ask someone what brand of toilet tissues she uses and another to ask her how many squares she tears off at a time or which hand wields the wipes. Clearly, from the viewpoint of Kimberly-Clark executives, who would dearly love to get every citizen to use just one more square of tissue per wipe, the question has or ought to have a profound resonance of undeniable relevance to the profit motive. Yet we humans remain sensitive in the extreme to such detailed scrutiny of our private selves. I find this fear of personal revelation quite conspicuously when I take portraits of friends. As always, my instinct is to go for the close-up, even at the expense of capturing every wrinkle, blemish and tell-tale sign of age or maturity. One of our most beautiful friends expressed horror at what was revealed by an intimate portrait of her loveliness. But the point is that the more in-your-face photos show our beloved family and friends with revealing intimacy, warts and all, in a way that invites all sorts of interesting questions about where each little laugh line or worry wrinkle came from. I find such pictures both attractive and suggestive of important consumption-related questions. Exhibitionism and beyond Ultimately, as I have argued elsewhere at length, voyeurism and exhibitionism are reciprocal or indeed symbiotic phenomena. So I end with an example of a more cooperative informant encountered at the Phoenix Zoo, namely, a charmingly gregarious scarlet-faced mandrill who entertained a picture window full of delighted school children and shocked their astonished parents by mounting a magnificent demonstration of mandrillian masturbation when, without the slightest shred of inhibition or modesty, he cheerfully performed a dazzling display of self-fellatio for the admiring crowd. While appalled mothers fled with their baby carriages and I happily snapped photos with bemused dedication, this prestidigital primate executed a highly-practiced onanistic routine that one could not help but regard with a feeling of fascination bordering on jealousy. Obviously such a demonstration raises important questions about the role of consumption experiences in evolution. Or does it represent a cultural habit that works against propagation of the gene pool (a selfish meme)? By interfering with procreation, does it help to explain why humans have evolved in the direction of standing upright rather than bending over? The issues raised by this exhibitionistic display seem almost limitless, the point being that they would not have arisen had we not pursued our photographic goals down to the most microscopic level of reciprocally voyeuristic observation. Two concluding thoughts In sum, all this suggests two conclusions with which I shall leave the patient reader. Put simply, photos stimulate introspections in ways that shed light on consumptionrelated phenomena. Aspects of consumption experiences are illuminated precisely because photography shines a light on them. Photo essays and the mining of minutiae 493 Second, as a specific example, I believe that my photographs of Phoenix illustrate one aspect of consumer research that deserves our attention, namely, the sense in which we have much to gain by reversing our usual obsession with macroscopic themes (environmental impacts, social effects, managerial implications) in favor of a preoccupation with small-scale details that interest us because of the manner in which such minutiae illuminate various facets of everyday experience (stripes, thorns and paws). To my eyes, the finegrained patterning of a cactus plant represents something more profound than the scene typically featured on a picture postcard. If we insist on pursuing the subjective personal introspective photo essay as an approach to research which, I believe, we should then it apparently pays to focus at least part of our attention on the tiniest cracks and crevices in the world around us. Ekstrцm1 Although multi-sited ethnography is an exercise in mapping terrain, its goal is not holistic representation, an ethnographic portrayal of the world system as a totality. Rather, it claims that any ethnography of a cultural formation in the world system is also an ethnography of the system, and therefore cannot be understood only in terms of the conventional single-site miseen-scиne of ethnographic research, assuming indeed it is the cultural formation, produced in several different locales, rather than the conditions of a particular set of subjects that is the object of study. Recently, or more specifically since about the mid-1980s, there has been a paradigm shift in anthropology. It has stimulated a discussion about representation of the field as well as the researcher and has led to new ways of seeking knowledge. New ways of conducting ethnography have been introduced, and today multi-sited ethnography challenges the long-established approach for conducting ethnographic fieldwork. Rather than focusing on one location, fieldwork can now be conducted in a number of sites. Although fieldwork has historically been an imperative ingredient for the definition of anthropology and ethnography, the change to multiple sites has not occurred without opposition. Others point to benefits such as the possibility of producing and disseminating knowledge throughout the world in new ways. The purpose of this chapter is to illuminate the emergence of multi-sited ethnography in anthropology and to provide suggestions for the way this can be used in marketing. Since the turn of the twentieth century, fieldwork has been a vital component of ethnography. Around the turn of the twentieth century, studies of ethnography developed simultaneously with Western interest in non-Western societies. The anthropologists in the United States focused on the American Indians and the British anthropologists studied colonies (Garbarino, 1983). Research was often funded from government departments or vested economic interests (Garbarino, 1983). Prominent researchers involved in developing early ethnographic fieldwork were Malinowski, Boas and Radcliffe-Brown. For example, Carl von Linnй, during his fieldtrips to Lapland in 1732 and to Dalarna, Sweden in 1734, wrote not only about botany, but also about ways of life (Hallbert, 2003).
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